Monday, August 13, 2018

The Case for (and against) Compromise


Recently, President Trump’s chief of staff General Kelly created a storm of controversy when he said, “ . . .  the lack of an ability to compromise led to the Civil War.” on the Laura Ingram Show.

This provoked quite a bit of controversy. The most trenchant criticism came from those who feel you don’t compromise about slavery. I would like to go over the facts of the matter to see how defensible this position is.

The nation was born in compromise and of course the most egregious compromise in the constitution was legitimizing slavery thus giving birth to the nation’s original sin. At the time it was probably correctly perceived as necessary if our nation was not to die a stillbirth at its inception.

The compromises of 1820 and 1850 along with other pieces of legislation such as the Fugitive Slave Act were compromise at the expense of slaves to preserve the union.

Between the election of Lincoln and the firing on Fort Sumter that started the war there were several compromises floated to save the union at the expense of slave.  These efforts included the following.

The Corwin Amendment also known as other 13th amendment simply stated:
No amendment shall be made to the Constitution which will authorize or give to Congress the power to abolish or interfere, within any State, with the domestic institutions thereof, including that of person held to labor or service by the laws of said State. This passed both houses of congress by super-majorities and three state legislatures.  It had the support of president-elect Lincoln.

The Crittenden Compromise would allow slavery in states created below a line roughly between Tennessee and Kentucky drawn to the Pacific.

Lincoln and the Republican Party would allow slavery in the states where it existed but would ban the further expansion of slavery.

Lincoln wouldn’t accept the Crittenden Compromise because this would perpetuate the balance of power between north and south in perpetuity. The south would not accept the Republican position because they would abdicate this balance of power and even with a guarantee that the government would not interfere other factors (repeal of the Fugitive Slave Act for example) would render the institution of slavery economically unviable.[1] 


So in summary “One-eighth of the whole population were colored slaves, not distributed generally over the Union, but localized in the southern part of it. These slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest. All knew that this interest was somehow the cause of the war.”[2]

The north was okay with allowing slavery to continue in the south, “the Government claimed no right to do more than to restrict the territorial enlargement of it.”[3]

Because the two parties could no longer compromise on the state in which this “peculiar institution” would be perpetuated, “one of them would make war rather than let the nation survive, and the other would accept war rather than let it (the union) perish, and the war came.”[4]

The reason why at the time of this controversy I was so interested in it and prompted me to write this blog entry is because in seventh grade social studies I learned our country was born in compromise. I learned that the union was saved by compromise in 1820 and again in 1850. But when we could no longer find the a path to compromise the United States experienced by far the bloodiest and most costly war in our history which resulted in a highly imperfect end to slavery and at least at a cultural level a continuation of that war today. In short for nearly 60 years I have held the same position as General Kelly – and still do.

To me both at the time and still today is the notion that compromise is foundational to democracy. This country’s constitution is an exercise in compromise from the bicameral legislature to the co-equal branches of government. Nearly every law ever written in a democracy is the result of compromise.

If we are to look at compromise as one end of a spectrum then the other end is coercion/capitulation. Coercion is forcing one’s will on another and therefore quite undemocratic.  But in writing this and the reason it has taken so long to complete this entry is the fact that I have difficulty getting my head around the idea that coercion is necessary for democratic governments as well.

In 1861 we wouldn’t let the south leave the union.  After 4 bloody years we prevailed in that fight and coerced the south to remain in the union and as a by-product of that conflict, slavery ended (highly imperfectly) in the south.

“Neither party expected for the war the magnitude or the duration which it had attained,” [5] but since both side profited and the north would so readily compromise rather than confront this pernicious institution “ . . .  if God wills that it continue until all the wealth piled by the bondsman's two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall be sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash shall be paid by another drawn with the sword, as was said three thousand years ago, so still it must be said "the judgments of the Lord are true and righteous altogether."[6]

Had the north and south failed to compromise or agreed to go their separate ways any time between 1789 and 1861 the trajectory of American history would have been unrecognizable to what we have today. We have to live with the results of the compromises of 1789, 1820, 1850, and the failure to compromise in 1861. 

Certainly, at this time in history we don’t compromise on slavery or equal rights.  That said, we need to be vigilant to seek common ground, to create dialogue, to look for opportunities to compromise because all that is foundational to democracy.














[2] Lincoln’s Second Inaugural Address (In my opinion this speech is every bit as good as the Gettysburg Address.)
[3] Ibid
[4] Ibid
[5] Ibid
[6] Ibid